Scholar Discusses China's 'American Beheading Line' Narrative, Calls it Dangerous Sentiment
Scholar Huang Yan-zhong, a senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations, wrote in The New York Times that China's popular 'American beheading line' narrative reveals a dangerous arrogance among Chinese people. He warns that if this arrogance escalates, Chinese leaders will face higher political costs for showing restraint in potential crises over the South China Sea or Taiwan.
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Central News Agency
(Central News Agency, Taipei, May 12) Huang Yan-zhong, a senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations, published a commentary in The New York Times stating that a popular narrative recently circulating on Chinese social media, the 'American beheading line,' reveals a dangerous and arrogant sentiment among Chinese people. He points out that if this arrogant sentiment among the Chinese public rises, Chinese leaders will face higher political costs if they show restraint in potential crises triggered by issues in the South China Sea or Taiwan.
The Chinese website of The New York Times published an opinion piece titled 'Observing Chinese People's Dangerous Arrogance from the 'American Beheading Line',' written by Huang Yan-zhong.
In video game terminology, a 'beheading line' refers to a critical health threshold where a character can be easily defeated. Therefore, in the Chinese context, the 'American beheading line' refers to millions of American families standing on the edge of a cliff, ready to collapse if they face unemployment, illness, or unexpected expenses.
The article states that this has become a mainstream metaphor for Chinese people to describe the United States: a country deeply mired in economic decline, violent crime, and irreversible decay.
However, the article then states that this view is incorrect. The US violent crime rate is at its lowest level in decades, and it still possesses unparalleled geopolitical and financial power, with an economy that remains vibrant and more than 50% larger than China's total economy.
Instead, this perception, to some extent, provides a psychological defense mechanism for Chinese people to cope with their own problems, as China is currently facing economic slowdown, a real estate market collapse, high unemployment, and a pervasive sense of uncertainty in society.
The author states in the article that during his trip to China this spring, he heard the 'American beheading line' narrative everywhere and observed that narrow nationalism was louder than ever. CCP propaganda is also fueling this, and in recent years, the Chinese government has been pushing to clear 'erroneous' Western ideological frameworks from academia, such as judicial independence and the separation of powers.
Recalling his own experience, the author writes that he grew up in China in the 1980s when China was implementing opening-up policies and also harbored a sense of humility, eager to integrate into the existing international order. However, today, China's prosperity and strength far exceed what people dared to imagine back then. China is now full of confidence and tends to act according to its own rules.
The article states that Chinese leaders no longer seem to view US pressure in trade and technology as an existential threat requiring compromise, believing that by leveraging China's own advantages, they can easily resolve it. And as the arrogant sentiment among the Chinese public rises, Chinese leaders will face higher political costs if they show any restraint once issues in the South China Sea or Taiwan trigger potential crises.
The article points out that game theory research last year showed that even a small increase in nationalist sentiment significantly raises the probability of both the US and China adopting a tougher stance in a confrontation.
The article mentions that this trend is not irreversible, suggesting that US policy towards China should refocus on combining deterrence with repairing human connections. Simply put, the US should relax visa and security restrictions for Chinese students and scholars and expand dwindling tourism, academic, and business exchanges.
Finally, the article notes that the last time a US president visited China was during Trump's first term, nearly nine years ago. Continuous, sober, and firm engagement with China may be the best way to reverse China's cognitive biases and reshape this most important bilateral relationship in the world. (Edited by: Lu Chia-jung / Chen Kai-yu) 1150512
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(Central News Agency, Taipei, May 12) Huang Yan-zhong, a senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations, published a commentary in The New York Times stating that a popular narrative recently circulating on Chinese social media, the 'American beheading line,' reveals a dangerous and arrogant sentiment among Chinese people. He points out that if this arrogant sentiment among the Chinese public rises, Chinese leaders will face higher political costs if they show restraint in potential crises triggered by issues in the South China Sea or Taiwan.
The Chinese website of The New York Times published an opinion piece titled 'Observing Chinese People's Dangerous Arrogance from the 'American Beheading Line',' written by Huang Yan-zhong.
In video game terminology, a 'beheading line' refers to a critical health threshold where a character can be easily defeated. Therefore, in the Chinese context, the 'American beheading line' refers to millions of American families standing on the edge of a cliff, ready to collapse if they face unemployment, illness, or unexpected expenses.
The article states that this has become a mainstream metaphor for Chinese people to describe the United States: a country deeply mired in economic decline, violent crime, and irreversible decay.
However, the article then states that this view is incorrect. The US violent crime rate is at its lowest level in decades, and it still possesses unparalleled geopolitical and financial power, with an economy that remains vibrant and more than 50% larger than China's total economy.
Instead, this perception, to some extent, provides a psychological defense mechanism for Chinese people to cope with their own problems, as China is currently facing economic slowdown, a real estate market collapse, high unemployment, and a pervasive sense of uncertainty in society.
The author states in the article that during his trip to China this spring, he heard the 'American beheading line' narrative everywhere and observed that narrow nationalism was louder than ever. CCP propaganda is also fueling this, and in recent years, the Chinese government has been pushing to clear 'erroneous' Western ideological frameworks from academia, such as judicial independence and the separation of powers.
Recalling his own experience, the author writes that he grew up in China in the 1980s when China was implementing opening-up policies and also harbored a sense of humility, eager to integrate into the existing international order. However, today, China's prosperity and strength far exceed what people dared to imagine back then. China is now full of confidence and tends to act according to its own rules.
The article states that Chinese leaders no longer seem to view US pressure in trade and technology as an existential threat requiring compromise, believing that by leveraging China's own advantages, they can easily resolve it. And as the arrogant sentiment among the Chinese public rises, Chinese leaders will face higher political costs if they show any restraint once issues in the South China Sea or Taiwan trigger potential crises.
The article points out that game theory research last year showed that even a small increase in nationalist sentiment significantly raises the probability of both the US and China adopting a tougher stance in a confrontation.
The article mentions that this trend is not irreversible, suggesting that US policy towards China should refocus on combining deterrence with repairing human connections. Simply put, the US should relax visa and security restrictions for Chinese students and scholars and expand dwindling tourism, academic, and business exchanges.
Finally, the article notes that the last time a US president visited China was during Trump's first term, nearly nine years ago. Continuous, sober, and firm engagement with China may be the best way to reverse China's cognitive biases and reshape this most important bilateral relationship in the world. (Edited by: Lu Chia-jung / Chen Kai-yu) 1150512
Choose to stand with facts. Every sponsorship you provide is a force to protect press freedom.
Download CNA's 'First-hand News' APP to stay updated with the latest news.
The text, images, and videos on this website may not be reproduced, publicly broadcast, publicly transmitted, or utilized without authorization.